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Description
maxi cosi pria 70 black Maxi-Cosi Pria™ Max All-in-One Convertible Car SeatThe Pria Max All in One Convertible Car Seat is thoughtfully designed with features to simplify your life as you and your child journey together in years ahead. Pria Max is all about quick and easy, comfy and securea car seat specially made for your little one with conveniences parents love. ClipQuik, the 1 handed, magnetic chest clip, and the Out of the Way spring assist harness holders make putting your child in and taking them out of their car seat
The Pria™ Max All-in-One Convertible Car Seat is thoughtfully designed with features to simplify your life as you and your child journey together in years ahead.
Pria Max is all about quick and easy, comfy and secure––a car seat specially made for your little one with conveniences parents love. ClipQuik, the 1-handed, magnetic chest clip, and the Out-of-the-Way spring-assist harness holders make putting your child in and taking them out of their car seat easier than ever. And when they grow overnight, QuikFit, our 1-handed, integrated headrest and harness system, easily raises for the proper, comfortable fit. Soft, plush PureCosi™ fabric, padding, and cushions wrap your kiddo in comfort and remove easily to machine-wash and dry. Even installation is a breeze with the 1-click LATCH connectors. From that first ride home to dropping big kids off at school, the Pria Max keeps up with your growing family. Rear-facing (4–40 lbs. and 19"–40"), forward-facing (22–65 lbs. and 29"–49"), belt-positioning booster (40–100 lbs. and 43"–52").
Features
- All-in-One seating system: rear-facing, from 4-40 pounds; forward-facing to 65 pounds; and up to 100 pounds in booster mode
- Featuring PureCosi™ fabrics made without wool or added fire retardant treatment
- Side impact protection with GCell® protects your child’s head where it’s needed most in a side impact crash
- ClipQuik™ auto-magnetic chest clip gets you on your way quickly
- Out-of-the-Way spring assisted harness covers for easy boarding
- Flip Away Buckle won’t get in the way while getting in and out of the seat
- One click LATCH system, with easy click-in for better installation
- QuickFit shoulder harness automatically raises the harness and headrest height
- Premium fabrics and padding provide the most comfort for your child
- Removable wedge for older babies, wedge to keep smaller babies (starting at 4 lbs.) snug and secure
- Removable infant head pillow and lumbar cushion provide extra support
- Seat pad and harness covers are both machine washable and dryer safe
- 3-position rear-facing adjustment, making it easier and faster to correctly install
- 2 easy-to-remove and dishwasher safe cup holders
Specifications
- Rear-Facing: 4-40 lb. and measuring up to 40" tall
- Forward-Facing: 22-100 lb. and measuring up to 52" tall
- Measurements: 24" L x 19.25" W x 25" H
- Weighs 18.6 lb.
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4.5 ★★★★★
Based on 7 reviews
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Product Reviews
★★★★★ 5
Excellent
It's an excellent textbook from the Barron's series of which I have this author's other books. I love the set up. I'm constantly trying to improve my Spanish in different categories....these books are amazing.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 3, 2024
★★★★★ 5
A must-read for anyone interested in communication studies, rhetoric, American public debates
Format: Paperback
In this seminal book, Fisher expounds his "narrative paradigm," a sweeping theory of human communication and more. Professor Emeritus at USC's Annenberg School of Communication, Fisher's discipline was rhetoric. But the book's subtitle -- "Toward a Philosophy of Reason, Value, and Action" -- isn't a stretch. Fisher's theory is a grand project extending its purview way beyond the communication department's door. At root is Fisher's rejection of what he calls the "rational world paradigm," which falsely separates logos from mythos, reason from imagination, fact from value. Doesn't work that way, Fisher says. No such thing as a value-free belief, assertion, or action. Instead, we evaluate according to a "logic of good reasons" -- reasons we value as good -- rooted in the narratives of our experience.
An under-appreciated aspect of Fisher's work is the application of his theory to American politics. America's most enduring narrative is The American Dream. But that dream comprises two sub-narrative strands: the "materialistic myth" and the "moralistic myth." These two strands broadly represent conservative and progressive impulses respectively, but those threadbare categories don't do Fisher's explication justice. The two myths find their roots in the narratives of the earliest Americans, and have been battling it out ever since. It's a credible understanding of the history of American public moral debates.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2010
★★★★★ 4
Insider's Book
Format: Paperback
Wlater R. Fisher is an expert in his field. His grasp of classical theory is daunting. Human Communication as Narrative explains his new theory well. However, it IS an insider's book, intended for scholars. I have a master's degree in rhetoric and composition, and my progress through it was slow--however, this was more attributable to my having stopped at an MA than it was to Fisher. I found his theory exhaustively researched, skillfully and thoughfully developed, and eminently applicable to the practice of contemporary rhetorical study. I would regard this book as a must-have for any serious student of rhetoric.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 22, 2011
★★★★★ 5
Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as ...
Format: Paperback
I'm a fan of the Narrative Paradigm, and this is the seminal work on that. Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as well. Very clear, succinct, and engaging.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 1, 2016
★★★★★ 5
The Dark Roots of Liberalism
Format: Hardcover
Italian philosopher/intellectual history Domenico Losurdo's study of the origins of liberalism is a tour de force of thorough scholarship and rigorous critique. Losurdo seems to have read all of the collected works of all of the significant thinkers in the liberal tradition, from Locke to de Tocqueville and beyond, and has created a coherent and compelling narrative of their themes and variations, as well as their rhetorical tropes and myriad contradictions.
Classical liberalism, as here presented, is an attempt to translate the world, in all its richness and mystery, into property, and to transform property into the fullest expression of both nature and nature's God. It involves fetishizing "liberty" and disdaining equality, which is seen -- correctly -- as potentially compromising the God-given prerogatives of property holders.
Losurdo's liberals divide the world into the "community of the free" -- always a minority -- and the servile majority. These masses do not deserve liberty or political participation because they perceive government as a way to address human suffering, and not simply as a bulwark protecting the divine rights of capital, i.e. the "private" realm. The classical liberal sees government as good to the extent that it has no social function at all -- because poverty and radical inequity are understood not as the outcome of human social and political arrangements, but as a reflection of immutable natural law and simple human frailty. Social Darwinist and eugenic motifs float through the Liberal symphony almost from the beginning, supplanting without really changing the earlier Protestant notion of predestination, but shifting the location of eternal reward or damnation to the marketplace and workplace.
Thus liberalism sides against social emancipation, whether of slaves or peasants or factory laborers. The job of workers within a liberal commonwealth, as depicted by most of these thinkers, is to embrace their freedom to starve and cherish the institutions that oppress them in the sweet and holy name of Liberty. Slavery makes many of these thinkers uneasy, but it is not as profoundly disturbing to them as the prospect of central government tampering with the sacred rights of property holders by abolishing an institution that makes a mockery of any concept of human liberty.
It is the radical thinkers of the French Revolution, and those influenced by them, who come out favorably here -- the ones who believe that the community must be seen as one body, and that freedom and dignity belong to all, without exception. Losurdo reminds us that it was not classical liberals who abolished slavery -- it was the Black Jacobins who brought the Rights of Man to the subjugated Africans of Haiti in history's only successful slave rebellion (at least since Moses). They were supported by the religiously inspired abolitionists, who saw slavery in moral rather than capitalist terms.
Losurdo shows that liberalism took on the despotism of Church and Crown, only to create a harsher and colder absolutism of Money and Market, wrapped up in the rhetoric of Reason and tied with the ribbon of Freedom. And though classical liberalism has mutated over time and allowed the community of the free to expand somewhat, its fundamental biases remain in place, as witnessed in every ding-dong attack against "big government" or the "nanny state." Losurdo's "counter-history" of liberalism places these tediously reflexive political gambits in historical context, showing that they are rooted in a vision of the state as a kind of gated community, serving those within the threshold of privilege, suppressing those on the outside.
At a time when political discourse centers on the percentages of the included and excluded, the worthy and the unworthy -- Occupy Wall Street's 1 percent and 99 percent, Mitt Romney's 47 percent (which was also his percentage of the vote) -- Losurdo's study is highly relevant and enlightening. It underscores the deep tensions between classical liberalism -- with its governance by and for the elite, and passive citizenship for the rest -- and the ideals of participatory and inclusive democracy, i.e., social democracy. It is an important book, and I recommend it to everyone with an interest in the history of political theory, and a desire to understand why our own political processes seem to take place in an abstract realm so cosmically distant from the reality of everyday life.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 24, 2012